What Does The Working Class Really Believe?

A poll by the Working Families Party challenges the debate: is it culture or economics?

The American Working Class

In 2024, the multiracial working class—the oft-discussed, seldom-understood backbone of American politics—commands the balance of electoral power. It’s a group that makes up 63% of registered voters, spanning every demographic and ideological spectrum imaginable. Yet political strategy often treats it as a monolith, defined by crude assumptions: socially conservative, economically struggling, low-information, and, if you consume a lot of Democratic Party elite news, disillusioned by liberal social justice causes and energized by far-right populist appeals.

A recent report by Working Families Power and HIT Strategies with polling conducted in August 2023 complicates these oversimplifications. It challenges the very premise that cultural conservatism is the primary fault line within this sprawling and diverse group. Instead, the report reveals a working class that is profoundly cross-pressured, with economic progressivism as its defining feature and ideological diversity as its hallmark. Here’s what I learned from WFP’s analysis.

The Flimsy Foundation of the Culture War Explanation

Conventional wisdom holds that the working class has been realigning toward Trump’s GOP because it is more socially conservative than the affluent and educated middle and upper classes who have been trending toward Democrats over the past two decades. This idea has underpinned recent Democratic political strategy, influencing everything from campaign messaging to policy prioritization. But the report finds little evidence to support this narrative.

On social and cultural issues, the working class does not fit the caricature of reactionary traditionalism. For instance, working-class voters are more likely to support pathways to citizenship for undocumented immigrants than their upper-class counterparts. but working class voters favor it by 26 points and upper class voters only by 9.

On questions of national identity and racial equity, the working class expresses views that are often no more conservative than those of the middle or upper classes. Even on abortion, the differences between classes are minimal: 60% of working-class voters believe abortion decisions should be made between a woman and her doctor, compared to 66% of upper-class voters—a mere 6-point difference.

Where class does exert influence on cultural attitudes, it is dwarfed by factors like race, age, gender, and partisanship. For example, white working-class voters are marginally more likely than white upper-class voters to hold racially resentful views, but the gap is small compared to the chasm between white Republicans and white Democrats on the same measures.

The real story of the working class may lie elsewhere—on the terrain of economic fairness, where the ideological divide between classes is more stark and consequential.

The Economic Views of the Working Class

Across questions of economic fairness, wealth distribution, and jobs, the working class is well to the ideological left of the middle and upper classes.

Consider the question of whether workers receive the pay and benefits they deserve. Working-class voters disagreed with this statement by a net margin of 36 points, while upper-class voters agreed by 21 points—a staggering 57-point gap.

Similar divides appear on issues like support for rent control, single-payer healthcare, and a federal jobs guarantee. Working-class voters support rent control by a net margin of 62 points, compared to just 17 points among upper-class voters. Medicare for All enjoys a 43-point net favorability among the working class, versus only 7 points among the upper class.

The Cultural Views of the Working Class

When presented with the statement that generations of slavery and discrimination have made it difficult for Black Americans to escape the lower class, working-class respondents were the most likely to agree (24%), while upper-class respondents were the least likely (17%).

When asked whether “The United States is a racist country,” working-class respondents were significantly more likely to agree (+10%) compared to upper-class respondents (-10%)

The Seven Tribes of the Working Class

To understand the ideological diversity of the working class, the report identifies seven distinct clusters, or “tribes,” within this broad category. Each has its own set of priorities, grievances, and political behaviors. Together, these clusters illustrate why no single narrative can capture the complexity of working-class America.

1. Next Gen Left (14%)

45% of Next Gen Left working class voters are non-white. The Next Gen Left cluster defies the stereotype that left-wing politics are confined to affluent, college-educated voters. Representing 14% of working-class registered voters, only 10% have college degrees and just 30% own homes—well below the working-class average. Their income distribution mirrors the working class overall, with significant economic insecurity: 37% earn under $45,000, and they are the least optimistic about retiring comfortably. They don’t show up to vote regularly and remain distant from the mainstream Democratic Party brand. Yet, when pushed to choose, they lean far more toward identifying as Democrats than aligning with Republicans.

2. Mainstream Liberals (14%)

The Mainstream Liberals cluster represents a multiracial, overwhelmingly female group of Gen X and Boomer liberal Democrats who feel politically empowered and consistently vote. They are relatively financially secure compared to the average working-class voter, with homeownership and income levels closely matching the working-class norm, and they express slightly more optimism about retiring comfortably. Politically, they are the second most progressive cluster, aligning closely with the Next Gen Left but differing in their sense of empowerment and national identity, with Mainstream Liberals expressing a tempered critique of America’s racial inequalities.

3. Core MAGA (14%)

At the far-right end of the ideological spectrum sits the Core MAGA cluster, defined by staunchly conservative views across the board. Overwhelmingly white, male, and older, this group mirrors the demographic core of the MAGA base. Core MAGA voters are the most rural of all clusters, with only 10% living in urban areas and nearly 30% in rural communities. Economically, they are the most affluent, with high rates of homeownership (75%) and a strikingly low share of households earning under $45,000. Their priorities lean heavily toward inflation, national security, immigration, and "keeping woke extremists out of power," while issues like student loans, climate change, and anti-racism barely register. Despite the populist rhetoric of Trumpism, this group aligns closely with traditional Republican small-government ideology, showing little support for unions, a jobs guarantee, or Medicare for All.

4. Tuned Out Persuadables (13%)

This is the largest disengaged group within the working class. The Tuned Out Persuadables are low-information swing voters who skew heavily female, are evenly distributed by age, and feel profoundly disempowered politically. 22% are Black and Latino while 69% are white. Economically insecure, nearly half (46%) have household incomes under $45,000—well above the working-class average—and they rank second only to the Next Gen Left in their pessimism about retiring comfortably. Politically disengaged, just 61% follow politics most or some of the time, compared to 72% of the working class overall. Their top concerns are inflation, jobs, healthcare, and crime, with little interest in partisan battles over MAGA or "woke extremists." Despite their disengagement, they lean left on economic issues, strongly supporting policies like Medicare for All, rent control, and a jobs guarantee, though they also share concerns about abuse of government programs. Socially, they lean left on immigration, abortion, and gender, but show slightly higher racial resentment and right-leaning views on crime and policing. They are the only cross-pressured cluster to favor Biden over Trump in 2020, embodying a complex mix of economic progressivism, social moderation, and political alienation.

5. Secure Suburban Moderates (14%)
The Secure Suburban Moderates are a predominantly white, older, and female cluster concentrated in the suburbs (50% vs. 42% for the working class as a whole), with a level of economic security unmatched by any cluster except Core MAGA. Two-thirds own their homes, and 42% report incomes above $75,000, significantly higher than the working-class average. While less likely to identify as working class (37% vs. 50%), they are the most optimistic about retiring comfortably. Ideologically, they reflect a classic suburban moderate profile: socially progressive on gender and sexuality and mostly pro-choice, but economically conservative, ranking among the least supportive of policies like Medicare for All, rent control, or a jobs guarantee. They are middle-of-the-road on immigration and public safety but lean right on issues of class and economic fairness, aligning with Trump in 2020 by an 8-point margin.

6. Anti-Woke Traditionalists (14%)

The Anti-Woke Traditionalists are a racially diverse, male-skewed cluster with average incomes and slightly higher identification as middle class. 44% of this group of voters are non-white. They are confident in their ability to retire comfortably and believe in the power of their vote but lean socially and culturally conservative, emphasizing traditional family values, Judeo-Christian principles, skepticism of experts, and strong support for law enforcement. They express high levels of sexism, transphobia, and right-of-center immigration views, though they support progressive economic policies like Medicare for All, rent control, free college, and a job guarantee. While critical of government aid misuse and embracing a “bootstraps” mentality, they also condemn corporate exploitation and strongly believe in collective worker action to achieve better pay and conditions. This blend of cultural conservatism and economic populism makes them archetypal of the cross-pressured working class, aligning left on economic issues while firmly right on social and cultural themes.

7. Diverse Disaffected Conservatives (13%)

The Diverse Disaffected Conservatives stand out as the most racially diverse and disproportionately young cluster within the working class, with only 46% identifying as white (compared to 63% of the working class overall) and 56% under 40. They are also heavily male (61%) and have some of the lowest incomes and education levels, with just 2% holding a four-year college degree. This group skews urban rather than suburban, feels politically disempowered, and is notably disengaged, with 29% reporting they didn’t vote in 2020. Their priorities—inflation, jobs, housing, healthcare, and education—are pocketbook-focused, while issues like MAGA extremism, abortion access, and student loans rank low. Socially, they lean conservative, showing high levels of sexism, transphobia, and hostility toward LGBTQ+ rights, while holding more centrist views on immigration compared to other right-leaning clusters. They diverge from typical conservative attitudes on crime and policing, aligning more closely with the Next Gen Left, and are among the least nationalistic of the clusters.

The Cross-Pressured Majority

The belief that Democrats draw stronger support from middle- and upper-class voters than from the working class is not refuted by WFP’s analysis. The idea that working-class voters are simply more socially and culturally conservative than their wealthier counterparts doesn't hold up to scrutiny. Some of the most striking differences among the working class emerge not on cultural issues but on questions of economic fairness. Meanwhile, differences in social and cultural attitudes between classes are smaller than often assumed, and where they do exist, they’re shaped more by variables like race, gender, age, and ideology than by class itself. The notion of a uniformly conservative working class falls apart under the weight of this evidence.

Strikingly, more than a quarter of the working class belongs to left-leaning clusters, challenging the narrative that progressive politics is an elite, graduate school-driven phenomenon. On the opposite end, the strongest MAGA “true believers” within the working class are, on average, far more economically secure than their peers—a direct counterpoint to “populist” theories about his base. The majority of working-class voters, however, fall in the middle, pulled by competing values and priorities. These cross-pressured voters are not easily categorized, but understanding their ideological contradictions is critical for any effort to build a Democratic majority rooted in the working class.

WFP’s analysis provides a valuable framework for differentiating the diverse clusters within the multiracial working class. But it’s just a starting point—we need much deeper research. Issue-based polling offers a snapshot in time, but the quality and characteristics of a candidate can profoundly shape the political landscape, transforming it rather than merely responding to it. The future of American politics will be shaped by the choices we make now—whether to pander to caricatures or to engage with the complexity of the working class as it truly is.