Inside Biden’s Convention Meltdown and Harris’s Price-Gouging Retreat
Two Scenes That Explain How Biden’s Pride and Harris’s Drift Lost 2024
Kamala Harris’s campaign didn’t fall apart overnight. But the shape of its failure was visible early — captured, almost perfectly, in just two pages of Fight: Inside the Wildest Battle for the White House by Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes.
Two days before the Democratic National Convention, Harris traveled to Raleigh, North Carolina, to deliver what was meant to be a defining economic address. Her team needed a reset, a sharp message on the cost of living, a reason for voters to see her as the future. Instead, the speech revealed the core flaw of her candidacy.
Harris proposed a federal crackdown on grocery price-gouging — a populist message aimed at an anxious electorate. But the idea landed awkwardly, and the campaign had no foundation to defend it. Trump derided it as “SOVIET Style Price Controls.” The media echoed the attack. What was supposed to project economic strength instead exposed a deeper weakness: Harris didn’t have the space, the background, or the permission to offer a broader economic vision. She had been boxed in — by Biden’s team, by her own biography, by a party establishment still clinging to the past. When the grocery pitch faltered, there was no larger agenda to steady her. Only drift.
Allen and Parnes make the real problem clear: it wasn’t just that the proposal backfired. It was that Harris never had the space to chart a different course. Biden’s advisers didn’t trust her to create an independent economic agenda. Instead, Harris was pushed toward emphasizing personal characteristics over policy.
“The consensus view,” one campaign adviser told the authors, “was to focus on biographical and experiential differences.”
The result was a campaign caught in an impossible bind: a candidate expected to embody change without ever criticizing the status quo. To excite voters about a future that looked almost exactly like the recent past.
The Price-Gouging Paradox
The tragedy of that Raleigh moment is that the idea wasn’t the problem. The strategy was.
In a post-election conversation with Ezra Klein, Democratic pollster David Shor — who advised Harris’s main Super PAC, Future Forward — pointed out that one of the most effective ads of the entire cycle featured Harris promising to “lower your food and grocery bills by going after price gougers.” Out of thousands of ads tested, that one ranked in the top 1%. It worked because it named villains and addressed what voters actually cared about: their bills, their paychecks, their daily lives.
So why didn’t the Harris campaign double down on that message?
Because the Democratic Party’s elite ecosystem doesn’t reward economic populism. As Shor explained, large campaign donors, political operatives, and national media figures were all more attuned to supporting ads related to Project 2025 and threats to democracy than to grocery prices. These are the voices campaigns hear — and the pressures they feel.
So even with the polling in hand, Harris’s campaign drifted. What began with cost-of-living appeals shifted into a familiar defense of institutions and norms. She stopped leading with the economy and started leading with democracy. That might have resonated with high-information voters, or supporters of Liz Cheney. It didn’t move the working-class coalition Democrats need to win.
No Exit
Another clear sign came when Biden and his team made it known there would be, in Biden’s words, “no daylight” between them. He stepped aside as the nominee, but not as the main character of his own story.
Nowhere was that more visible than at the convention, as Allen and Parnes document. Biden, angry at being pushed out of prime time, fumed backstage, demanding to know why he wasn’t given a better slot. Steve Ricchetti, one of the most powerful men in Washington and Biden’s longtime advisor, was left frantically calling and cajoling convention organizers, insisting Biden had to be moved up — and warning that delaying him until midnight would be an insult. Speeches were cut. Musical performances were slashed. Anything to clear a path.
When Biden finally took the podium at 11:25 p.m., he reclaimed the stage for himself. His speech centered not on her future, but on his own past. “When I say ‘we,’ I mean Kamala and me,” he said — a line that collapsed whatever separation the campaign had tried to create.
Beneath the scrambling was something deeper: Biden’s pride. He had spent a lifetime climbing toward the presidency, a quest marked by loss, failure, and persistence. To reach the summit only to be asked to move aside — to give up not just the office but the story of redemption he had fought to claim — was a wound that shaped everything that followed. The convention wasn’t a clean handoff. It was a stage still occupied by a leader unwilling to let his final act end.
This wasn’t just a momentary scheduling fight. It was the whole dynamic in miniature. Even in stepping down, Biden made himself the center of the story. And in doing so, he made it impossible for voters to see Harris as a real break from what came before. She wasn’t the next chapter. She was an extension of the last one. Harris was handed the keys — but Biden never really let go of the wheel.
The Inheritance
To understand how Harris ended up here, you have to understand how the Democratic Party handles succession. Or rather, how it fails to.
It was the old King Lear problem: a leader who steps down in name but refuses to step aside in spirit, who surrenders the crown but clings to the spotlight. In Shakespeare’s play, Lear’s downfall isn’t a lack of heirs. It’s the refusal to leave space for them to rule. Biden’s hold was softer, but the result was much the same. There was no clear line of succession because the old order never truly made room for a new one. Harris wasn’t given a platform of her own. She was handed a script — and asked to perform someone else’s final act. In the confusion, voters saw what the party couldn’t: there was no real break on offer, only a familiar story told with a different face.
There’s dignity in Harris’s loyalty to Biden. But loyalty isn’t leadership — and it wasn’t what the moment demanded. The opportunity for a break was there. It was never taken. Harris didn’t just inherit Biden’s staff and structure. She inherited his instincts: cautious, defensive, built to defend a system that voters had already begun to turn against. She wasn’t empowered to offer a real break from the past because too many in her party refused to admit the past had become a liability.
This wasn’t just a failure of one candidate. It was a failure to recognize the times – again. In a populist moment, voters don’t want heirs. They want insurgents. They don’t want reassurance. They want change.
The search for scapegoats has been underway: progressive activists, immigration, trans rights, even left-wing economics. But the real story is obviously a bit simpler, and harder to admit. This election turned on two realities: Biden’s age and his economy. Voters weren’t confused. They saw a president who stayed too long, and an administration that couldn't answer the basic anxieties of their lives. Blaming the left is easier than facing the truth: the Democratic Party establishment and his staff largely protected Biden until it was too late, and in doing so, trapped Harris in a campaign that could never fully break free.
You can’t meet a populist moment by defending the system. And you can’t win the future by clinging to the past.
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